Wednesday, July 18, 2012

The information warriors

BY HARSH MANDER
 BAREFOOT The story of little-known activists who use the RTI as their main weapon, and the dangers they live with everyday.
The most significant governance reform since Independence is unarguably the Right to Information Act of 2005. Overnight, the statute created potentially a billion Lokpals, because every citizen acquired the right to seek information and documents from government, in order to interrogate the integrity and justice of official actions.
But many doubted if citizens would stir and organise themselves to actually use this right: it required the careful and tedious study of government procedures and rules, combined with patience and persistence. However, people proved the sceptics wrong. Many times more than any official oversight body, ordinary citizens held local officials to account in ways that were unthinkable even a decade earlier. In villages and small towns across the country, the law has sparked a million tiny non-violent mutinies.
Upsetting the status quo
Wherever battle lines are drawn between those who benefit from corruption and those who suffer from it, it has challenged power. Honest officials are more fearless. Some are learning to function more carefully within the boundaries of rules and prescribed procedures, or at least to leave fewer obvious footprints of malfeasance. Some are paralysed into inaction. But there is evidence also that the beneficiaries of corrupt administration are also fighting back. It is increasingly commonplace to hear of attacks, sometimes fatal, on little known RTI activists from distant corners of India’s hinterland.
In the middle class imagination, what is described as “civil society activism” tends to be dominated by the larger-than-life persona of a few well-known, highly celebrated fighters. Many, therefore, do not recognise the extraordinary heroism of several battles for clean and fair governance, fought by tall “little” warriors, with scant protection and even less public glory.
One of this multitude of faceless combatants is Ramesh Agarwal, intrepid middle-aged activist committed to struggles for justice for persons dispossessed and displaced by private mining and power companies in the forested tribal district Raigarh in Chhatisgarh. On July 7, 2012, I was stunned and grieved to learn that two men armed with a loaded pistol had driven to the cyber cafe that Ramesh ran for a living, and shot him after an altercation in the thigh. At the time of writing, I heard to my great relief that surgeons in Raipur had worked on his wounds, and declared him out of danger.

I have known Ramesh for over two decades, from the time I served in Raigarh in 1990 as the District Collector. I was privileged to lead a campaign for Total Literacy of the district, an exhilarating mass movement which successfully canvassed more than 30,000 youth volunteers to teach 300,000 non-literate adults in the district. The idealism of throngs of young women and men was infectious and heady. For some, those intense months of collective service and camaraderie altered the direction of their lives forever. Among these was Ramesh, who joined hands with several comrades to constitute an organisation called Lokshakti, dedicated to carrying forward the radical idea of “conscientisation” of impoverished and oppressed people. Building on the foundations of new-found literacy, they tried to build awareness of rights for collective, democratic resistance to injustice.
In 2005, Ramesh and his old literacy activist partner Rajesh Tripathy, launched a separate platform called Jan Chetna Manch. A number of large industrial houses had acquired and occupied enormous tracts of forest, tribal and farm land to establish a dense battery of coal mines, thermal power plants and ancillary industries. Rajesh and Ramesh were worried by what they believed to be the unjust, illegal and often brutal forceful expropriation of the resources of lands and forests, the pauperisation of their people, and the destruction forever of the natural habitat which had nurtured them for generations.

They discovered an invaluable democratic weapon for effective non-violent challenge to their immeasurably more powerful adversaries, of RTI applications, and they deployed these tirelessly, fearlessly and imaginatively. Through their applications, they exposed that large tracts of forest and farm lands had been mined without being legally being diverted and transferred; mandatory consultations with gram panchayats were bypassed, manipulated or falsely recorded; lands and standing trees were grossly under-valued to drastically reduce compensation claims; legal land acquisition processes were routinely subverted to benefit private companies; and land was illegally acquired from tribal landowners even though this is prohibited under the law. Their first victory in village Rabu for a captive dam was to force raising of compensation from Rs. 10,000 rupees per hectare to up to Rs. 10 lakh.
Hitting back
Not surprisingly, their exertions were not welcomed both by the private companies and complicit government officials. Initially they were offered bribes to end their confrontations, by lucrative transport contracts, or employment in “corporate social responsibility” enterprises. Some of their colleagues succumbed, but not them. When these inducements failed, they were often openly threatened. Ramesh’s cyber cafe was ransacked. He was attacked and injured. Rajesh’s motor cycle was almost run over on many occasions by transport trucks. Their police complaints were rarely registered, even less acted upon. But a complaint from a private company employee claiming that they threatened to take his life led to the arrest of both Ramesh and Rajesh, and they spent three months in jail in 2011, before they were finally awarded bail from the Supreme Court.
Wounded Agrawal at hospital 
Agarawal  Handcuffed in police custody  (file photo). He has got to get bail from supreme court. 
I met them in Raigarh a few months ago, deeply worried about the continuing threat to their lives by their stubborn and unwavering struggle. They responded without bravado but with quiet resolve: “We take precautions now: we do not announce in advance our travel plans, we use different vehicles each time, and so on. But these are poor people’s issues, and we cannot let them down. We have to continue to struggle. What has to happen will happen”.

There is no law to protect information warriors like them, and little public outrage or solidarity when they are assaulted.
As I heard them, I wondered how much India deserves them. And thousands of information warriors like them: unsung, unprotected, unassuming. And heroic.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Mr. HarshMander is former IAS and ex- member of National Advisery Council. This article was published in The Hindu, on july 14th 2012.  

Sunday, April 8, 2012

देश की कन्या : सहारे की हथेली



कहे परिवेश , मै कन्या
कहे यह देश , मै धन्या
कलेजा कलेश से कम्पित
ये मै हूँ , देश की कन्या 

अश्रुजल से हुई खारी
कहा जाता मुझे नारी
परा तक पीर की पर्वत
कहा जाता मुझे औरत

यहाँ हूं देश की कन्या 
वहां  हूं देश की कन्या
बहन, पत्नी, जननी, जन्या
इसी परिवेश की कन्या

मै सोनल हूं, मै सलमा हूं, 
सुरय्या हूं , मै सरला हूँ 
मै जमुना हूँ, मै जौली हूं, 
मै रजिया हूँ, मै मौली हूँ

मै चंदो हूँ, मै लाजो हूँ
सुनिला हूँ, प्रकाशो हूँ
मै कुंती हूँ, मै बानो हूँ
मै हुस्ना हूँ, मै ज्ञानो हूँ
मै राधा , रामप्यारी हूँ
वतन की आम नारी हूँ
दुखों की कैद में लेकिन 
रहूंगी और कितने दिन 

न हूँ मै बंदिनी सुन लो
न हूँ अवलंबिनी सुन लो
सृजन की शक्ति है मुझमे
अतुल अनुरक्ति है मुझमे

मै बौद्धिक हूँ , विलक्षण हूँ
त्वरा तत्पर,  प्रति क्षण हूँ
मै प्रतिभा हूँ, मै दक्षता हूँ
मै जननी हूँ, मै ममता हूँ

सहारे की हथेली हूँ
कहा तुमने पहेली हूँ ....?
-------------------------------------------------------------------
अशोक चक्रधर 

Sunday, April 1, 2012

Be Ready to Marry Five Sons to One Woman


The provisional figures of 2011 Census are now in public domain. the data shows our  population growth rate have somewhat slowed. But the most disturbing fact have emerged from analysis of 0-6 age group and there sex ratio. it seems the drop in population growth rate have come on the price of female children of our society. this has become a pan India epidemic. 
Chhattisgarh seems in a better position, perhaps due to lack of advanced medicinal diagnosis facilities in most districts, but drop in CSR have definitely registered in all except 3 district.     With a drop of 29 points, Raigarh district have registered highest decline in last decade. As per provisional reports of Census India , Statewide position in Child sex ratio is given here under;

Rank
District
Sex ratio 2001
Sex ratio 2011
Absolute change 2001-2011
% change      2001-2011
1
Raigarh
972
943
-29
-3.0
2
Mahasamund
989
960
-29
-2.9
3
Bastar
1014
991
-23
-2.3
4
Surguja
974
955
-19
-1.9
5
Janjgir Champa
964
945
-19
-2.0
6
Durg
975
958
-17
-1.7
7
Rajandgaon
990
976
-14
-1.5
8
Korba
976
964
-11
-1.2
9
Dhamtari
979
969
-10
-1.0
10
Dantewada
1014
1005
-9
-0.9
11
Raipur
971
965
-6
-0.6
12
Koria
974
968
-6
-0.6
13
Kanker
976
975
-1
-0.1
14
Jashpur
964
974
+10
+1.0
15
Bilaspur
947
957
+10
+1.1
16
Kabirdham
962
973
+10
+1.1

For age group 0-6
Gender Bias and Sex ratio
The pre-dominantly patriarchal, social, cultural and religious set up based on the foundation that the family line runs through a male has contributed extensively to the secondary status of women in India. This has led to strong desire to avoid the birth of a female child in the family resulting in decline in the child sex ratio (SR) at an alarming rate.

Sex Ratio (0-6) in Raigarh: 1991-2001-2011
In India, the last century was marked by an almost continual decline in the country’s SR. The beginning of the 21st century has shown a marginal increase (from 927 in 1991 to 933 in 2001). Other census statistics reveal a wide gap in the rural and urban ratios (Chart 2). In 2001, the SR in rural areas was 946, compared to 900 in urban areas. A defining indicator of the grim scenario is the sharp decline in the child sex ratio (in the age group 0-6 years) over the last decade. The overall child sex ratio has declined from 945 in 1991 to 927 in 2001. Alarmingly, the urban areas, more literate and therefore perceived as being more modern, have shown a huge 29-point decline – from 935 in 1991 to 906 in 2001.

  
The subordinate status of women in India is largely a result of patriarchy and its influences on the social, cultural and religious aspects of life. A patriarchal structure is based on the foundation that the family line runs through a male – that is, all descent and inheritance are traced through the male. This has resulted in an exalted status for the male and reduced the woman to a secondary position, dependent on and controlled by different men in the family– father, brother, husband, son – at the various stages of her life. This unequal relationship governs the rules of marriage, which is considered a process whereby the father passes on his burden, his daughter, to the husband, whose family demands a high price – a dowry – for taking on the burden. It often takes generations to repay the debts incurred to pay the dowry and other marriage expenses. Marriage only reaffirms the woman’s subordinate status, giving her no say in the running of her life or any control over her body or bodily integrity.
Social discrimination in context of Raigarh district.
In Raigarh district, Discrimination is visible in various forms. Sex Ratio in rural areas of district is slightly better (1003) than urban (930) while women work participation is 39.2%. Female literacy rate is far behind (57%) then men (82%). This is even worse in case of SC women (53%) and ST women (45%). A sincere and sustained effort for gender equality as an integral part of all development programmes needs to be initiated. Self help groups and reservations in panchyat have increased women’s say in household and community level decision making but still a long way is ahead for gender equity.

Where  they  all  have gone ..... ?? 
( A sight at raigarh  Railway Station) 

Access to education for them is determined only in part by their gender. The gender role for girls as defined by traditional society often persuades parents to assume that the education of girls is an unnecessary investment. Girls are usually made to stay home to look after the household needs of the family, which they continue to do after they grow up and get married. Many times, girls are officially enrolled in school but not attend school.  Financial constraint is a major factor that prevents girls from attending school. Though all children face the threat of not being sent to school when their parents are not economically well off, girls find it even more difficult because of their prescribed gender role.

Thus, Misuse of the techniques like amniocentesis to determine the sex of the foetus and subsequent abortions if the foetus was found to be female, is increasing in the district. 
Endangered Species..??
Killing young-borns was once seen as a barbaric practice has, chillingly, now become increasingly accepted, albeit sometimes in more “technically advanced” forms. Female infanticide has found a partner in female feticide, to give India a low Sex Ratio and a consistently falling female population. 

The most starling fact
In situation analysis, the most startling fact come over that most advanced, educated , powerful and richer communities has lowest Child sex ratio. The communities leading in  political empowerment and business state and has done worst in Raigarh and all across the state. "Yato Mahajne gato sa pantha" Means where the rich and powerful go becomes the way of society. the same is underway in our society today. 

if the situation is not reversed with immediate attention, next twenty - thirty years down the line, Our sons or there sons have to follow the suit of Pandvas. Marrying Five sons to one women. 
---------------------------------------------------
janmitram@gmail.com

Monday, March 26, 2012

Government backtracks after tarnishing the image of Indian Voluntary Sector

Pronounced guilty sans a fair trial

Few weeks back, a single statement made by the Hon’ble Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh to an American Journal that a few Indian NGOs in the state of Tamil Nadu are being funded by the American and Scandinavian NGOs for the anti-nuclear protest at Koodankulam had done a serious damage to the entire voluntary sector in India. His statement was further endorsed by very senior leaders of the government in media. The PMO made a statement that the government is ready to reveal records which it claims show how foreign donations were used to give local agitators daily handouts of money, food and liquor. The sentiments expressed by the Prime Minister had gone viral not just in the Indian media but even the media at the global level covered this story which led to the debate that Indian NGOs are misusing the foreign funds and are engaged in anti-national activities.

Sudden volte-face

However, today’s newspaper reports that the government made a sudden volte-face in the Rajya Sabha. In his reply, the Hon’ble Minster of State in PMO, V Narayana Swamy has informed the country that “it has not been proved so far whether that money (foreign money) is being used for the protests. Investigation is on the matter”. It means NGOs have been pronounced guilty without any evidence or investigation. This whole episode has tarnished the image of Indian Voluntary Development organisations not in India but also globally.  The sector which is known worldwide and in India for its innovations, neutrality and highest levels of intellectual input in socio-economic growth became victim of doubts and loss of credibility.

Voluntary sector – an easy target

The voluntary sector has always been the target of the ruling elite whenever any social movement takes place in the country. The first was of the independence struggle in 1857 which resulted in the formulation of Societies Registration Act of 1860 which is still operational in its timeworn form.  In this country the more professional and well defined Indian Companies Act has come for private sector with the exclusive Ministry as its sounding board, but nothing of that sort for the development organisations. The clause of “Political Activities” has been incorporated in the Foreign Contribution Act, 2010. This act is the only Act in the country which is regulatory in nature (as compared to FEMA for private sector) and managed by Home Ministry in most secretive way. Needless to say that original FCRA was the punishment given to India Voluntary Organisations for participating in Jay Prakash Movement in 1976.The Voluntary Sector was forefront in the country in articulating the voice of people which included those of uneven economic benefits, widespread corruption in the system, heavy degradation of natural resources and depleting quality of life of urban and rural poor.  So the history of such social movement gifted the sector with more restricted Income Tax Act, where in by amendment in 2008, all those who speak and ask question were debarred from raising funds by redefining section 2(15). The sector 2(15) of the Income tax Act defines the charitable organisations which can get Income Tax relief, any by amending it government put all of the development organisations in the category where no business like activity even if it is in line with charitable purpose is allowed. Undoubtedly, the new FCRA of 2010 came as the additional gift for speaking for poor in the country. Not only these Indian voluntary organisations have to take clearance from at least three ministries, namely, External Affairs, Home and undefined nodal ministry if they want to invite any person from foreign country.
Today public bashing of voluntary development organisations has become a  fashion as one can go scot-free after making any statement in public domain. The above regulatory changes and practise weaken the voluntary sector, important pillar of Indian democracy.  The implications of above changes are more disastrous at the grassroots.  Whenever there is any Maoist attack NGOs are blamed without any evidence.  This results not only in questioning the credibility of the sector but also stringent implementation of restrictive laws. The VOs in Northeast are forced to report quarterly about their work to the local police. It is still worse in Chhattisgarh where they are supposed to report daily to local police and they have to give a written undertaking that they will not raise voice against any corruption in implementation of national or state laws.  The voluntary development organisations are the only institutions in the country where police comes at the door to investigate. The logic of “Natural Justice is not followed as far as dealing with VOs is concerned. The law of natural justice, on which our system is based, says one is innocent unless proven guilty, whereas for VOs it is the other way where one is guilty unless proven otherwise.  There has been unfortunate tradition of using police and Income Tax to silence the voice of dissent in our country and the latest victim is the voluntary sector. This systematic approach of last few years of creating fear psychosis among VOs has resulted in deafening silence today. There has been recent development which would have otherwise attracted the response from the voluntary sector, but no one has spoken anything.There is no significant social movement after ‘Anna Movement” which resulted in numerous income tax notices. No talk of dangerous technology after FCRA threats.

True spirit of partnership is critical to a robust democratic framework, not threats and attacks

As citizens of the most respected democracy in the world we expect that protest and the space to raise question is the basic fundamental right given by the Indian Constitution.  We do expect that rather than attacking the sector, government must reinforce the relationship of partnership and make an enabling environment wherein genuine organisations can continue to contribute in nation building without any fear.  The time has come to demonstrate the maturity of socio-political system whereby political, business and civil society works hand in hand to make India a better place to live.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Author: Harsh Jaitli, CEO, VANI